The July Movement will remain a landmark event in the history of student politics in Bangladesh. While it began as a reform movement targeting the quota system, it swiftly evolved into a mass student uprising, culminating in the resignation of the prime minister on August 5, thereby ending a fascist political chapter.
One of the most overlooked yet crucial aspects of the movement was the unprecedented activism and strong participation of students from private universities. Previously confined within the image of being “politically indifferent” and “self-centered,” these students brought new momentum, courage, and expansive strength to the movement.
Following the closure of residence halls in public universities on July 16, it was effectively the students from private universities who kept the movement alive. If Dhaka University students were its head, then the students from private universities were undoubtedly its spine. Ignoring all fears, they charged into the streets with remarkable swiftness, reviving the mental strength and confidence of the movement’s organizers to achieve the seemingly impossible. At one point, even young school and college students overcame fear and joined the protests in groups, and when people from all walks of life spontaneously participated, it led to the downfall of prolonged autocratic rule.
Information suggests that 30 students from various private universities were killed and over 300 were injured in the movement. However, according to accounts from participating students, many sought treatment independently, making it difficult to obtain precise statistics on casualties among private university students.
How did students, once derided as “farm chickens,” suddenly display such boundless bravery in the July Movement? To answer this, one must revisit the history of the 2015 “No-VAT” movement. At that time, private university students protested the imposition of value-added tax on higher education, facing attacks from activists of the ruling Awami League’s student wing, the Chhatra League. As a result of this movement, the Finance Ministry was compelled to officially announce the withdrawal of VAT through a formal notice.
Similarly, in 2018, the “Safe Roads Movement” took place between July 29 and August 8, demanding effective road safety measures. Following the deaths of two students, Rajib and Diya of Ramiz Uddin Cantonment College, in a collision between two speeding buses on Airport Road in Dhaka, their classmates initiated protests that eventually spread nationwide. During this time, students from private universities also took to the streets in solidarity.
Likewise, in 2018, students from private universities participated alongside those from public institutions in the quota reform movement, which demanded changes in the recruitment system based on quotas in government jobs. However, their involvement did not receive prominent coverage. Joining these earlier movements bolstered the confidence of private university students in their capabilities and helped them build organizational strength, which manifested in their vital participation in the July Movement.
Regarding this, Professor Dr. Mohammad Mojahidul Islam of Jahangirnagar University's History Department told Banglanews, “Until July 17, the movement was under the control of public universities. From July 18, it was entirely led by students from private universities, whose contribution became dominant. There's a general perception that private university students are self-centered, but the July Movement was not their first street protest. They were the pioneers of the No-VAT movement and also played key roles in the Safe Roads and quota reform movements of 2018. Though those efforts did not receive due coverage because of the overwhelming presence of public university students, the participation of private university students in the July Movement was a result of that ongoing engagement. It didn’t happen suddenly. We misjudged them—we thought they were all from affluent families and preferred staying within their comfort zones, which is entirely incorrect.”
The movement, which began in June 2024, demanding quota reform, initially started in public universities. On June 5, the High Court issued a verdict to reinstate quotas in government jobs. Following this, on June 6, students from various public universities began protesting. By early July, the movement had spread to all public universities. On July 15, after a series of attacks on public university students, students from private universities declared their solidarity.
On July 17, students from public universities were forced to vacate their residence halls, causing their participation in the movement to decline. Private university students then effectively sustained the movement. According to them, they had little initial interest in protesting quotas since few of their peers enter the job market using them. However, incidents of violence shared on social media—especially the shooting death of Abu Saeed and attacks and harassment of women at Dhaka University—deeply shocked them. Consequently, students from all private universities united and entered the protest field on July 18.
Student activist and North South University student Md. Mushtaq Tahmid, recalling the days of the July Movement, told Banglanews, “On July 17, public universities were shut down indefinitely. Rather than suppressing the movement, it spread to private universities. That same day, private university students across the country announced protests against the physical abuse of public university students. We took to the streets not for ourselves, but to secure the rights of future generations.”
Even a year after the July Movement, Mushtaq expressed frustration over the country’s failure to meet expectations and the lack of recognition for private university students. He said, “After August 5, in a new Bangladesh, our private university students deserved proper respect and recognition—but we did not receive it fully. From what I know, 33 students from private universities died in the July uprising, whereas the number was 13 for public universities. Among the three student representatives in the interim government advisory body, none were from private universities. Even in other key government departments, our inclusion was absent. In truth, private university students returned to their classes after fighting in the uprising without any self-interest.”
The days leading up to the July uprising saw sporadic small-scale marches in several private universities, including East West University, Bangladesh University of Business and Technology (BUBT) in Mirpur, and United International University. On July 16, the death of Abu Saeed in Shahid Hall, Rangpur, shocked the entire nation. Following this, students from private universities and the Private University Student Alliance of Bangladesh (PUSAB) declared their intention to join the movement.
On July 18 and 19, private university students faced unprecedented police attacks. That day, indiscriminate gunfire was directed at the students, a turning point in the movement. With the closure of university halls, many public university students were preparing to leave the cities. It was at this moment that students from private institutions retaliated against the state and government.
Massive clashes erupted across various parts of Dhaka, including Uttara, Merul Badda, Rampura, Malibagh, Dhanmondi, Mirpur, Nilkhet, Tejgaon, Shantinagar, Mohakhali, Shanir Akhra, Kazla, and Jatrabari. The BTV building in Rampura was attacked. At Mohakhali, several police boxes and vehicles near the Disaster Management Directorate and the Banani Bridge area were set ablaze.
On July 18, students from North South University (NSU), American International University Bangladesh (AIUB), Independent University Bangladesh (IUB), United International University (UIU), and Dhaka International University blocked roads at Natun Bazar near the American Embassy and at Kuril Bishwaroad, launching protests.
Simultaneously, students from BRAC University in Badda and East West University on Rampura Bridge formed human blockades. Students from the University of Information Technology and Sciences (UITS), along with those from neighboring public and private schools, colleges, and universities, joined in. The three coordinated blockades effectively paralyzed northern Dhaka and the busy diplomatic zone. Panic spread as clashes escalated with the presence of members from the Awami League, its student wing Chhatra League, youth wing Jubo League, and law enforcement.
That day, 27 protesters were killed across the country, with nearly 1,500 injured. That night, the government shut down broadband internet access. Earlier, on July 17, mobile internet had already been cut off, rendering the country virtually disconnected by July 18.
On July 19, attacks on United International and BRAC Universities by Chhatra League activists prompted thousands of students—including those from NSU, AIUB, IUB, UIU, Dhaka International University, Prime Asia University, and UITS—to march toward Rampura. Police opened fire on the procession in Middle Badda.
The same day in Mirpur, students from BUBT, Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), and nearby colleges were assaulted in repeated waves. Students from Northern University formed human shields in the Airport area. Those from World University, Shanto-Mariam, and Uttara University joined protests in Uttara, while students from ULAB, UODA, and Bangladesh University took to the streets in Mohammadpur, Dhanmondi, Lalmatia, and around the Parliament House. The Badda and Uttara areas turned into battlefields.
Elsewhere, students from Stamford University and other institutions blocked roads throughout the capital, resulting in widespread clashes and gunfire. Many students were killed and wounded. Outside Dhaka, students from BGC Trust and Premier University in Chittagong, Varendra University in Rajshahi, and Northern University of Technology in Khulna also took part directly in the movement.
Protests continued on July 19, and that day, clashes with police across the country claimed at least 67 lives, including students. In a bid to control the situation, the government imposed a curfew starting at midnight. Despite this, students attempted to continue their protests sporadically. After July 24, authorities began mass arrests targeting students.
Students reported that private universities and surrounding areas were frequently subjected to block raids. During transit, phones were routinely checked, and any evidence of protest involvement led to detainment. In response, teachers began standing in solidarity with the students.
Starting on July 29, educators became directly involved in the movement, helping to reignite protests despite police barriers. Later, on August 3, a gathering at the Shaheed Minar saw widespread participation from private university students. Finally, on August 5, when the long march was announced, students defied the curfew to rally, and tens of thousands of protesters marched toward Shahbagh. That afternoon, Sheikh Hasina resigned from her post.
While campus-based agitation in public universities failed to gain traction, private university students' seizure of highways, risking their lives and making the ultimate sacrifice, became a historic and unprecedented act. In July, students from private universities shattered long-standing myths surrounding Bangladesh's academic institutions. They dismantled the binary divide between public and private education and discredited the language of previous dismissals.
These students took to the streets in protest of the state's brutal treatment of their counterparts in public universities. In doing so, many lost close friends and fellow activists. The absence of justice for these atrocities has left them disillusioned and angry. They demand swift accountability from the state for the horrific killings and torture that occurred during the movement.
Despite their active role in the July Movement, private university students remain overlooked. Although they did not protest for recognition, the return of July brings the matter of formal acknowledgment back into focus. Many participants have raised this issue, expressing disappointment that their vigorous and vital involvement has gone unrecognized. They believe that their exclusion from national responsibilities is a regrettable oversight.
